We are currently witnessing a trend towards the growing role of Central Asia in global politics and the world economy. At the first-ever summit between the EU and Central Asian states, held on April 4, 2025, in Samarkand, the European Union signaled its readiness to support the countries of the region in promoting reforms, developing their economies, and increasing their international competitiveness. This is in line with the interests of Uzbekistan, which is implementing a large-scale program to modernize and strengthen regional cooperation.   The declaration adopted at the Samarkand summit laid the foundation for further deepening cooperation. It laid down clear guidelines, which are now being put into practice through high-level official visits and the conclusion of new agreements between Uzbekistan and the European Union, as was particularly evident during the signing of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement on October 24, 2025, in Brussels.   The signing of the new agreement opens a new page in strengthening mutual trust and developing long-term cooperation, as it opens up opportunities not only for expanding political dialogue and economic cooperation, but also for intensifying Uzbekistan’s international cooperation with the EU in the areas of security, sustainable development, and innovative transformation.   It should be noted that the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement is based on a commitment to the fundamental norms of international law. In particular, it reaffirms mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of states, as well as the willingness to build partnerships in accordance with the goals and principles of the United Nations.   This approach reinforces international legal guarantees and increases the predictability of political interaction. Strengthening dialogue based on the principles of equality and respect for sovereignty dominates the foreign policy agenda of Uzbekistan in the new era and enjoys broad support in the international community.   Important attention is paid to expanding conditions for trade and investment. Uzbekistan has successfully completed negotiations with the European Union on access to goods and services markets as part of the process of joining the World Trade Organization. Support from the European Union contributes to the country’s further integration into international economic chains and creates the conditions for increasing the competitiveness of the economy.   Cooperation in the areas of critical raw materials, energy efficiency, and the development of modern production capacities is of particular importance. This is in line with the country’s strategic objectives of diversifying the economy and attracting high-tech investments.   We would also like to note the public willingness of the parties to intensify digital transformation projects and promote the development of sustainable transport infrastructure. The partnership within the Global Gateway initiative opens up opportunities to expand Uzbekistan’s transit potential, strengthen its role as a link between Europe and Asia, and increase the importance of the Trans-Caspian route in international logistics.   Contemporary security challenges are becoming increasingly transnational in nature. In this regard, the parties agreed to expand cooperation on cybersecurity, counterterrorism, illegal migration, and hybrid threats. The success of such cooperation largely determines the sustainability of development in the entire Central Asian region.   The environmental dimension is becoming one of the fundamental elements of the bilateral agenda. The European Union welcomes Uzbekistan’s efforts to improve the environmental situation and ensure the rational use of natural resources. Support for projects to restore the Aral ecosystem and water and energy cooperation strengthens international solidarity in addressing global climate challenges.   Particular attention is paid to strengthening public exchanges, youth interaction, expanding academic contacts, and promoting cultural dialogue. This forms a sustainable humanitarian basis for strategic partnership. The participation of civil society contributes to strengthening trust, better understanding of values and traditions, and the development of various forms of international cooperation.   Thus, it can be noted that the signed document establishes a new level of interaction between the Republic of Uzbekistan and the European Union. The development of cooperation with the EU confirms that Uzbekistan is confidently pursuing a course of openness to the world and expansion of its foreign policy horizons. This continues and strengthens the foundation for long-term integration into the global economy, modernization of public administration, and the introduction of innovative standards of sustainable development.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

By Zulkhumor Makhmudova   In recent years, the reconfiguration of geopolitical power centers in the international arena and the emergence of new regional blocs and strategic alliances have prompted Central Asian countries to strengthen their multi-vector foreign policies. Within this context, the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) has increasingly become a vital integration platform, serving as the main institutional structure uniting the Turkic world politically, economically, and culturally. Uzbekistan plays an active role in this process, promoting its national interests through strengthened cooperation within the organization.   The 12th Summit of the OTS, held on October 9, 2025, in Gabala (Azerbaijan), marked the beginning of a new strategic phase in the organization’s activities. The summit’s core agenda—regional security, development of transport and communication infrastructure, expansion of trade relations, and energy integration—served to consolidate the OTS as a balanced and mutually beneficial model of cooperation in global politics.   In his speech, President Sh. Mirziyoyev emphasized the importance of deepening solidarity among Turkic states, elevating trade and economic cooperation to a new level, and expanding joint projects in the fields of green energy and the digital economy. The President’s assertion that “The Turkic world represents a civilizational space formed on the basis of shared history, culture, and language” reflects Uzbekistan’s conceptual foreign policy approach—viewing regional integration as an integral part of national development.   The Gabala Summit primarily signaled a new stage in the political consolidation of the OTS. Uzbekistan, maintaining a balance of power within the platform, has positioned itself as a center of regional stability and pragmatic cooperation. Uzbekistan’s initiatives—particularly the proposals related to the Turkic Investment Fund and the integration of transport-logistics corridors—demonstrate its policy orientation toward achieving tangible, practical results within the organization.   Within the OTS framework, strategic partnership between Uzbekistan and Türkiye occupies a central role. The trilateral meeting among Uzbekistan, Türkiye, and Azerbaijan held in Ankara in January 2025 became a turning point in this direction. The Ankara Declaration, signed during the meeting, envisaged deep integration in trade, investment, transport, and energy sectors. Agreements to accelerate the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR) and the Zangezur Corridor projects represent significant steps toward creating a strategic transport link between Europe and Asia through OTS member states.   Today, relations between Türkiye and Uzbekistan are evolving from strategic partnership to a level of alliance. This development, on one hand, reflects the growing trust and closeness between the two states; on the other hand, it indicates the emergence of a coordinated leadership model within the OTS. Considering Uzbekistan’s economic potential, human capital, and geoeconomic position in Central Asia, the country is forming a complementary strategic synergy with Türkiye.   The current stage of OTS development demonstrates that the organization is transforming not only into a cultural-civilizational but also a geo-economic bloc. Mutual trade among member states exceeded $42 billion in 2024, indicating the practical results of economic integration within the organization. Uzbekistan has become an essential transit hub, prioritizing the expansion of access to Türkiye and Europe via the Caspian Sea. Uzbekistan is also advancing new initiatives in digital diplomacy, youth cooperation, and scientific-educational partnerships. The establishment of the Diplomatic Academy of the Turkic States in Tashkent contributes to the training of specialists, harmonization of foreign policies, and strengthening of diplomatic dialogue within the OTS.   Among the documents adopted at the Gabala Summit were the “Turkic World Transport Strategy,” the “Concept for Energy Cooperation,” and the “Youth Integration Program,” all of which align closely with Uzbekistan’s conceptual initiatives. This clearly illustrates Uzbekistan’s intellectual and proactive role in the recent development of the OTS.   Uzbekistan’s engagement in the OTS is characterized by a pragmatic approach: its initiatives are reinforced with practical outcomes. For instance, the ideas of “Transport Diplomacy” and “Green Development” introduced at the Samarkand Summit (2022) and Astana Summit (2023) have now evolved into concrete projects at the Gabala Summit (2025).   In conclusion, the Organization of Turkic States has become the institutional foundation of multilateral cooperation among Turkic countries and is transforming into a stable and balanced center of power in the new regional order. Uzbekistan stands out in this process with its initiative-driven, balanced, and practical diplomacy. Strengthened strategic partnership with Türkiye, transport-logistical cooperation with Azerbaijan, and growing economic integration with Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are shaping Uzbekistan as a “bridge state” within the OTS.   Thus, Uzbekistan’s active role in the OTS reflects not only its regional interests but also its growing position as a diplomatic center representing the Turkic world’s collective interests within the evolving global geopolitical equilibrium.     Zulkhumor Makhmudova is a second-year PhD candidate in International Relations: Political Problems of the World and Regional Development at the University of World Economy and Diplomacy. Her research focuses on foreign policy analysis, regional integration processes within the Turkic world, and geopolitical dynamics in Central Asia. She pays particular attention to Uzbekistan’s strategic role within the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) and the country’s participation in the development of new transport, logistics, and trade connectivity networks. Ms. Makhmudova is the author of several academic and analytical papers devoted to the geopolitical transformation of Central Asia, the evolution of the OTS, and Uzbekistan’s multi-vector foreign policy. Her current doctoral research project is titled “Regional Cooperation within the Organization of Turkic States and Uzbekistan’s Strategic Interests.” Zulkhumor Makhmudova actively participates in academic seminars and international conferences dedicated to issues of regional security, international relations, and diplomacy. Her scholarly approach seeks to integrate the theoretical and methodological foundations of international relations with applied analytical research.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

At the latest summit of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) in Gabala (Azerbaijan), the heads of state signed the Declaration of the Twelfth Summit. The key provisions of the declaration reflect the intention to develop political and foreign policy cooperation, focus on transport and logistics corridors, energy, and green initiatives, promote digitalization, pay attention to cultural and humanitarian aspects, and strengthen the institutional capacity of the Organization.   For Central Asia, which acts as a regional hub between China, the Caucasus, the Middle East, and Turkey, the declaration creates a practical framework in which countries can become more actively involved in integration projects and strategic initiatives. Central Asia is located at the intersection of many routes connecting East and West. This creates a basis for countries in the region to increase logistics flows, reduce transportation costs, and enhance the attractiveness of their space as a “bridge” between Asia and Europe.   The declaration also emphasizes the need to create “green corridors,” support renewable energy projects, implement a “green transformation,” and develop digital platforms. Such joint measures can bring tangible benefits to the countries of Central Asia, especially if they pool their resources, scientific knowledge, and technologies.   The declaration also emphasizes the importance of economic integration and investment, stating the intention to activate agreements on services and investment activities between the OTS countries and to strengthen the contribution of its Investment Fund. Central Asian countries can take advantage of this by developing interregional value chains, improving conditions for foreign investment, and strengthening small and medium-sized businesses.   Overall, the Gabala Declaration has given Central Asia another chance for closer transport integration with the Caucasus, the Caspian region, Turkey, and further into Europe and Asia. This means that bilateral and multilateral trade could grow, logistics costs could fall, and transit hubs could be strengthened. Joint initiatives in green energy, water security, and renewable energy technology exchange could become drivers of sustainable development. Against this backdrop, Central Asia could strengthen its role as a connecting region between East and West by diving into the transcontinental routes outlined in the declaration. The level of institutional interaction between countries could increase thanks to the emergence of new platforms, coordination between ministries and agencies, and continuous cooperation rather than sporadic meetings.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

A Historic Victory for Japan On October 4, 2025, Sanae Takaichi secured victory in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential election, defeating Shinjiro Koizumi by 185 to 156 votes in the runoff. With this win, she becomes Japan’s first female prime minister, marking a transformative moment in the nation’s political history. The leadership race followed the resignation of Shigeru Ishiba and unfolded amid declining public confidence in the LDP, which faced growing pressure to restore economic stability and strengthen Japan’s global standing.   “I have made history within the LDP,” Takaichi said after the results. “Rather than celebrating, I feel the weight of the many challenges ahead that I must face with all of you.”   The Election and the Field of Candidates The LDP leadership election follows a two-round system combining votes from Diet members and party rank-and-file: 590 votes in the first round and 342 in the runoff. Candidates must be sitting LDP lawmakers with at least 20 parliamentary nominations. The 2025 race featured Sanae Takaichi, Shinjiro Koizumi, Yoshimasa Hayashi, Takayuki Kobayashi, and Toshimitsu Motegi. Takaichi’s victory resulted from the consolidation of conservative factions, her clear stance on national security, and broad support from regional party organizations—reflecting a shift within the LDP toward ideological continuity with Shinzo Abe’s legacy, combined with Takaichi’s own emphasis on economic resilience and technological sovereignty.   Following the announcement, Takaichi stated that her feeling was not joy but the weight of responsibility ahead, stressing the need to revitalize the party and transform public anxiety into hope through reforms. At 64, she succeeded on her third attempt, representing the party’s most conservative wing. Her political career began in 2006 under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe as Minister for Okinawa and Northern Territories Affairs, later serving as Minister for Gender Equality and Minister for Internal Affairs and Communications.   Often referred to as Japan’s aspiring “Iron Lady,” Takaichi admires Margaret Thatcher’s leadership style and advocates constitutional revision to explicitly recognize the Self-Defense Forces as Japan’s “armed forces.” Economically, she promotes swift measures to counter inflation, favoring flexible tax policies that combine income tax relief and compensations over immediate reductions in the consumption tax.   Foreign Policy Priorities: Security and Sovereignty   Defense and Constitutional Reform Takaichi’s government plans to continue expanding defense spending to over 2% of GDP, with major investments in missile defense, cybersecurity, and space capabilities. She also advocates revising Article 9 of Japan’s Constitution to formally recognize the country’s right to self-defense — a bold move reflecting her commitment to “peace through strength.”   China and Taiwan Takaichi pledges a firm deterrent stance toward China while reinforcing cooperation with the United States and allied nations. Her open engagement with Taiwan, framed as support for democracy and stability, has already prompted cautious responses from Beijing urging Tokyo to “act prudently.”   Strengthening the U.S.–Japan Alliance The U.S.–Japan alliance remains central to her strategy. She plans to expand collaboration in defense technology, talent development, and supply-chain security, while also deepening trilateral cooperation with South Korea and Australia — despite lingering historical sensitivities.   Broader Regional Diplomacy Takaichi aims to elevate Japan’s leadership role across the Indo-Pacific, engaging through ASEAN, QUAD, and G7 frameworks. Her administration will continue humanitarian and infrastructure cooperation in Southeast Asia and the Pacific, and renew dialogue with the Middle East on energy security and freedom of navigation. In addition, she seeks stronger partnerships with Central Asian countries, particularly in energy development, digital infrastructure, and human capital exchange under the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” vision, aimed at supporting regional stability and balancing external influence in Eurasia.   A New Era of Leadership Takaichi’s election symbolizes both continuity and transformation: continuity in Japan’s strategic direction established under Shinzo Abe, and transformation through her historic role as Japan’s first female leader. Her emphasis on defense, technology, and resilience underscores a determination to position Japan as a proactive, secure, and values-driven democracy in an increasingly tense global environment.   It is noteworthy that on October 4, former Prime Minister and influential Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) figure Taro Aso took a significant political step by urging approximately 43 members of his faction, Shikokai, to support Sanae Takaichi in the second round of the party’s leadership election — a move that considerably strengthened her position within the LDP.   At the same time, Aso has traditionally regarded Central Asia as a key vector of Japan’s foreign policy within the framework of his “Silk Road Diplomacy” concept. He has consistently promoted the “Central Asia + Japan” Dialogue, aimed at enhancing bilateral and multilateral engagement, ensuring regional stability, developing transport and logistics corridors (including the southern route through Afghanistan), and expanding cooperation in the fields of energy, infrastructure, and security.   The coming months will test Takaichi’s ability to balance assertive diplomacy with economic stability. Her leadership will likely redefine Japan’s regional posture — strengthening alliances, promoting innovation, and safeguarding democratic values — while navigating complex relations with China and neighboring powers. As the world watches Japan’s first female prime minister step onto the global stage, her administration promises a new era of resolve, responsibility, and revitalization.   Japan’s Immigration Policy and Political Dynamics under Sanae Takaichi The regulation of foreign residents, which emerged as a central issue during the July House of Councillors elections, remains one of the most salient topics in contemporary Japanese politics. Sanae Takaichi, newly elected as the president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), has prioritized a stricter immigration policy, emphasizing measures against illegal residency and the regulation of land acquisitions by foreign nationals. Her position aligns closely with that of the Japan Innovation Party (Ishin) and the Democratic Party for the People (DPP), creating potential opportunities for interparty collaboration in advancing these initiatives.   At the same time, the stance of the Komeito Party, the LDP’s coalition partner, which places a stronger emphasis on coexistence with foreign residents rather than tightening restrictions, may become a source of tension within the ruling alliance. Komeito leader Tetsuo Saito has already expressed concern, underscoring the necessity of achieving consensus on key policy principles regarding foreign residents to maintain coalition stability.   Takaichi has announced her intention to strengthen the Office for the Promotion of Coexistence with Foreign Nationals and to expand the staff of the Immigration Services Agency to enhance enforcement capacity. In her speech delivered on the day of the presidential election announcement, Sanae Takaichi opened with a reference to an incident in which a foreign national allegedly kicked a deer in her hometown’s Nara Park, thereby symbolically demonstrating her strong determination to tighten Japan’s immigration policy.   Opposition parties have also voiced support for stricter control measures and for the introduction of an anti-espionage law, making the issues of migration and national security likely focal points of Japan’s future political debates.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

In alignment with President Trump’s campaign promises to be tough on immigration and protect American workers, his administration announced last week a $100,000 one-time H-1B visa fee, a massive increase from the previous $2,000-$5,000 fee. The H-1B visa program is intended to recruit highly skilled, highly paid foreign talent to supplement American companies, specifically in critical science, technology, engineering, and math fields. In 2024, about 400,000 H-1B applications were approved, with about 73% from India and 12% from China. No other birthplace accounted for even 2% of H-1B workers, with two from Uzbekistan in FY 2025.   The H-1B visa program began after World War II under the guise of “Operation Paperclip” where the US recruited about 1,600 Nazi scientists from Germany to simultaneously burgeon America’s nascent nuclear industry and disable post-Nazi Germany. Today, US China hawks suggest reforming the H-1B program into a “Second Operation Paperclip” to recruit top scientists to counter to the growing number of material science, physics, and chemistry research coming out of China.   On October 1, China officially introduced a new  “K-Visa” designed to recruit young science and technology talent from graduates in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) and young professional engaged in relevant research. The K-Visa is unlike other skilled immigration programs by not requiring a Chinese employer or inviter at the application stage, appealing to young graduates and entrepreneurs without formal job offers. Beijing announced its visa on August 7, weeks before Trump announced the H-1B visa fee, but geopolitical tensions are undeniable in the global competition in science and technology. seeing highly skilled tech workers as national security assets.   The White House’s proclamation stated that the H-1B visa program “has been deliberately exploited to replace, rather than supplement, American workers with lower-paid, lower-skilled labor,” undermining American economic and national security.  Accordingly, the fee is intended to put scarcity around H-1B applications, giving advantage to American citizens and encouraging only highly specialized and skilled foreign applicants to bolster American companies.   The Trump administration justifies its H-1B overhaul due to the widespread manipulation by information technology (IT) outsourcing companies. While Amazon remains the top employer of H-1B approvals, the majority of employers filling H-1B slots are foreign companies such as Cognizant (93k), Infosys (61k), Tata Consultancy Services (60k). Silicon Valley venture capitalist Chamath Palihapitiya stated that these outsourcing consulting companies have “gamed the system”  through perfecting the application process and gaining the bulk of H-1Bs over American companies.   Similarly, supporters of the executive order contend that in practice, H-1Bs are not being awarded to the program’s intended high skilled engineers and AI researchers. Since FY 2020, the average salary for an H-1B visa holder is slightly under $120,000 – a salary surpassed by most executive assistants at tech startups. Jason Calacanis, an early investor in Uber, described the IT sector’s widespread abuse of the visa program, calling it a form of “indentured servitude” where companies will grant H-1Bs to lower skilled workers, underpaying and overworking them under the threat of visa revocation, supporting the high fee to discourage artificial wage suppression and labor abuse.    Those against the new executive order prescience a US “brain drain” in vital industries through the loss of engineers, doctors, and researchers. Nearly a quarter of US physicians are international medical graduates, and hospitals are petitioning the Department of Homeland Security to grant exemptions for health care workers. Additionally, in alignment with the rest of the US administration’s anti-immigration discourse, it signals an unwelcoming environment and discourages young talent away from the US and towards China.   Like the reactions to most of Trump’s polices, moderates tend to support the reform, but not in execution. California representative Ro Khanna suggests that the blanket $100,000 fee places an unfair burden onto start-ups, non-profits, and universities, while acknowledging the systematic abuse by IT firms able to “game” the application system.   The MAGA rift divides tech pundits – notably, Musk and Ramaswamy – who support foreign recruitment as “essential for America to keep winning,” against long-time Republicans demanding less immigration and more investment in American workers. Despite Republican division over reform or removal of the H-1B visa program, Trump continues to defend the program and immigration recruitment more broadly, stating in the past that he would like to “staple green cards onto US diplomas.”   Most American voters see “immigration” in singularity, encompassing all people seeking to start a new life abroad. However, immigration can and should be considered and granted for different grounds: asylum, family, talent recruitment, labor needs. At minimum, Trump’s H-1B reform and partisan disagreement is bringing necessary nuance to the dialogue and debate on US immigration policy.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

By Fayziddin Qutbiddinov   The latest SCO summit, held in China in 2025, represents an important stage in the development of multilateral diplomacy in Eurasia. Against the backdrop of intensifying competition among global and major powers and the transformation of the international order, the meeting of SCO member state leaders takes on significant effect, both in terms of regional security and economic relations. Although the SCO summit is positioned as a mechanism to strengthen regional cooperation, in Western political circles the process is often perceived as a tool for bolstering the influence of Russia and China on the Eurasian continent.   According to preliminary statements by NATO Secretary General M. Rutte, NATO points to the growing role of China, Iran, and North Korea in their relations with the collective West, expanding defence cooperation to signal readiness for permanent confrontation with the Western alliance, while simultaneously forcing the transatlantic countries into a long and exhausting confrontation. Based on these assessments, he emphasized that the model of the war in Ukraine could be replicated on other fronts, escalating tensions between the Western bloc and the so-called alliance of autocracies.   According to DW’s analysis, the option proposed by China to enhance regional and international cooperation does not provide absolute guarantees to allies in the implementation of economic and trade agreements, leaving room for flexible interpretation and potential disagreements over the execution of key provisions.   Sinologist A. Chigadayev noted that Kim Jong-un’s visit to China was perceived not only as a political trip, but also as a signal of the legitimacy of his power on the international stage, strengthening his authority in meetings with leaders of major powers. China is North Korea’s key strategic partner in regional security, and the visit demonstrated that the North Korean leader’s regime remains stable and is supported by a strong ally.   Particular attention should be paid to the fact that the SCO summit in China is perceived by a broad Western audience as a strategic move by Beijing to consolidate its role as a competing global leader. China does not limit itself to promoting its own model of economic and political development, the ‘Chinese path’, but actively uses the summit as a platform for shaping new vectors of regional and international cooperation. This is confirmed by the participation of strong regional players, including Russia, India, and other key Eurasian states, which demonstrates the willingness of major regional powers to align with Chinese investment initiatives and strategic projects. Moreover, the summit enables China not only to strengthen its influence in the process of developing joint regional decisions, but also to shape norms and rules that may compete with the existing international standards promoted by Western powers.   Thus, the summit serves as an instrument for legitimizing China’s leadership on the world stage, signalling Beijing’s readiness to actively participate in creating a parallel world order and building the global architecture of contemporary politics. This, in turn, compels the West to closely monitor China’s actions and to develop strategies for engagement with Eurasia.   Alongside expanding its international influence at the summit, China also sought to underscore the technological leadership of its military. According to Carlotta Rinaudo of the International Security Studies Group (Verona), the military showcase in Beijing went beyond a traditional display and turned into a futuristic spectacle. China demonstrated the potential of its armed forces to combine human capabilities with robotic systems, outlining technological leadership in future warfare—while also boosting the domestic prestige of the military and sending a signal to the international community about the country’s growing strategic potential.   Developing this idea, analysts stressed that the vacuum of influence caused by the hesitancy of the American leader created conditions for stronger regional and strategic ties between China and Russia. A vivid confirmation of this is the growth of trade turnover between the two countries, the conclusion of economic agreements, and the implementation of transport projects carried out jointly in the early years of Joe Biden’s presidency.   According to Pete Hegseth, Washington’s main task is to maintain strategic superiority in the military domain, on land, at sea, in the air, and even in space, where the U.S. leads by outpacing competitors through the import of high-tech weaponry and innovative defence systems. At the same time, he noted that Donald Trump had constructive and working relations with Xi Jinping.” These contacts, in his view, could serve as a foundation for seeking opportunities for cooperation and reducing tensions, despite the ongoing strategic rivalry between Washington and Beijing.   In conclusion, the participation of China’s strong regional and strategic partners and the confirmation of their readiness not only to deepen bilateral and multilateral ties, but also to create alternative forms of international cooperation at the SCO summit, to some extent, indicates that this has generated considerable resonance within the Western political and expert community. At the same time, we see that some experts view this event rather sceptically, describing it merely as another occasion for taking photographs.   As Western experts understand it, the summit demonstrated the determination of Eurasian states to place their stake on strengthening mutually beneficial cooperation and building new economic and political architectures capable of competing with Western institutions. Moreover, it confirmed the growing role of China and its strategic partners in international politics, where they are increasingly claiming the status of independent centers of power capable of influencing the formation of a new world order.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.