The 4th Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) concluded in Beijing, approving the “Recommendations on the Formulation of the 15th Five-Year Plan for Socio-Economic Development of the PRC (2026–2030)”. The plenary reaffirmed the national course toward high-quality growth, innovative modernization, and technological self-reliance as strategic priorities of China’s long-term development.   At a press conference on October 24, representatives of China’s State Council outlined the key objectives of the new plan: sustained economic growth, deepening reform and opening-up, cultural and ecological development, strengthening national security, and revitalization of rural areas. According to Han Wenxiu, Executive Deputy Director of the Office of the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission (CFEAC), particular emphasis will be placed on modernizing the agricultural sector, enhancing production quality, and improving rural infrastructure.   According to data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) and Peking Ensight (October 18, 2025), China’s GDP grew by 5.3 percent in the first half of 2025, exceeding the target of “around 5 percent.” Growth in exports (+6.9%), retail sales (+4.6%), and industrial production (+6.2%) reflects the effectiveness of stimulus measures and the expansion of domestic demand.   Experts from the Center for China Analysis, Asia Society note that Beijing is “doubling down on innovation” to reduce external dependence and boost productivity. The focus is on developing “new quality productive forces” driven by original technologies, digitalization, and artificial intelligence. Minister of Science and Technology Yin Hejun outlined four priorities: advancing fundamental research, achieving breakthroughs in critical technologies, integrating science and industry, and cultivating scientific talent. Analysts at the Mercator Institute for China Studies (MERICS) similarly emphasize that China is “doubling down on innovation and high-tech industries,” continuing its pursuit of scientific and technological self-strengthening.   Chairman of the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) Zheng Shanjie reaffirmed the goal of building a modern industrial system that combines the modernization of traditional sectors with the growth of emerging industries, services, and infrastructure.   According to the NDRC, government funds amounting to 500 billion yuan are expected to mobilize up to 5 trillion yuan in total investment, including 600 billion yuan in the fourth quarter of 2025. Experts note that this approach opens new opportunities for foreign partners, including Central Asian countries, to engage in projects related to industrial, energy, and transport modernization.   For China’s external partners — particularly Central Asia — this strategic orientation has tangible implications. It creates new opportunities for industrial cooperation, digitalization, green investment, and agricultural partnerships.   The development of high-tech and agricultural clusters in China could foster technology and knowledge exchange in areas such as agrotechnology, water efficiency, and agricultural processing.China’s focus on domestic consumption and high-quality imports also generates additional demand for agricultural and textile exports from Central Asia, including Uzbekistan, while the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) continues to offer new possibilities for transit and infrastructure projects.   A significant part of the plenary’s agenda focused on intraparty discipline and personnel reshuffles. The CPC reaffirmed its commitment to a policy of “strict internal control” and an ongoing anti-corruption campaign.  General Zhang Shengmin was appointed to the Central Military Commission (CMC), while several high-ranking military and civilian officials — including General He Weidong and former Minister of Agriculture Tang Renjian — were expelled from the Party.   According to the Center for China Analysis, Asia Society, such measures reflect not weakness but rather the consolidation of Xi Jinping’s authority, aimed at strengthening party discipline and governance efficiency. As Reuters reports, these dismissals form part of the largest military purge in recent years, intended to restore discipline and command accountability. Analysts at the Beyond the Horizon International Strategic Studies Group (BtH/ISSG) and the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) argue that the current anti-corruption campaign within the defense sector has a systemic managerial nature, designed to reinforce the command hierarchy and institutional effectiveness of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA).   In the economic and external policy domains, the plenary reaffirmed China’s commitment to openness and multilateral trade. Minister of Commerce Wang Wentao announced expanded access to the services market, the removal of restrictions in several sectors, and new incentives for foreign investment.   According to Xinhua News Agency, beginning December 18, 2025, the island of Hainan will implement new customs regulations introducing zero tariffs for 74 percent of tariff lines — a step toward establishing a fully functional free-trade port and promoting cross-border commerce.   An article in the People’s Daily under the pseudonym Zhong Caiwen (the official signature of the CFEAC Secretariat) emphasized that “China’s new development philosophy has global significance: it not only suits China but also provides reliable solutions to global challenges.” China positions itself as a defender of the multilateral trading system and seeks to “bring certainty to the global economy,” contributing to a more stable environment for shared growth.   The outcomes of the 4th Plenary Session reaffirmed Beijing’s steady commitment to domestic modernization, technological self-strengthening, and open integration into the global economy. For Central Asia, this translates into expanded opportunities to cooperate with one of the world’s leading innovation hubs and to participate in emerging industrial, digital, and green initiatives that can shape a pragmatic and mutually beneficial framework for regional development.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

We are currently witnessing a trend towards the growing role of Central Asia in global politics and the world economy. At the first-ever summit between the EU and Central Asian states, held on April 4, 2025, in Samarkand, the European Union signaled its readiness to support the countries of the region in promoting reforms, developing their economies, and increasing their international competitiveness. This is in line with the interests of Uzbekistan, which is implementing a large-scale program to modernize and strengthen regional cooperation.   The declaration adopted at the Samarkand summit laid the foundation for further deepening cooperation. It laid down clear guidelines, which are now being put into practice through high-level official visits and the conclusion of new agreements between Uzbekistan and the European Union, as was particularly evident during the signing of the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement on October 24, 2025, in Brussels.   The signing of the new agreement opens a new page in strengthening mutual trust and developing long-term cooperation, as it opens up opportunities not only for expanding political dialogue and economic cooperation, but also for intensifying Uzbekistan’s international cooperation with the EU in the areas of security, sustainable development, and innovative transformation.   It should be noted that the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement is based on a commitment to the fundamental norms of international law. In particular, it reaffirms mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of states, as well as the willingness to build partnerships in accordance with the goals and principles of the United Nations.   This approach reinforces international legal guarantees and increases the predictability of political interaction. Strengthening dialogue based on the principles of equality and respect for sovereignty dominates the foreign policy agenda of Uzbekistan in the new era and enjoys broad support in the international community.   Important attention is paid to expanding conditions for trade and investment. Uzbekistan has successfully completed negotiations with the European Union on access to goods and services markets as part of the process of joining the World Trade Organization. Support from the European Union contributes to the country’s further integration into international economic chains and creates the conditions for increasing the competitiveness of the economy.   Cooperation in the areas of critical raw materials, energy efficiency, and the development of modern production capacities is of particular importance. This is in line with the country’s strategic objectives of diversifying the economy and attracting high-tech investments.   We would also like to note the public willingness of the parties to intensify digital transformation projects and promote the development of sustainable transport infrastructure. The partnership within the Global Gateway initiative opens up opportunities to expand Uzbekistan’s transit potential, strengthen its role as a link between Europe and Asia, and increase the importance of the Trans-Caspian route in international logistics.   Contemporary security challenges are becoming increasingly transnational in nature. In this regard, the parties agreed to expand cooperation on cybersecurity, counterterrorism, illegal migration, and hybrid threats. The success of such cooperation largely determines the sustainability of development in the entire Central Asian region.   The environmental dimension is becoming one of the fundamental elements of the bilateral agenda. The European Union welcomes Uzbekistan’s efforts to improve the environmental situation and ensure the rational use of natural resources. Support for projects to restore the Aral ecosystem and water and energy cooperation strengthens international solidarity in addressing global climate challenges.   Particular attention is paid to strengthening public exchanges, youth interaction, expanding academic contacts, and promoting cultural dialogue. This forms a sustainable humanitarian basis for strategic partnership. The participation of civil society contributes to strengthening trust, better understanding of values and traditions, and the development of various forms of international cooperation.   Thus, it can be noted that the signed document establishes a new level of interaction between the Republic of Uzbekistan and the European Union. The development of cooperation with the EU confirms that Uzbekistan is confidently pursuing a course of openness to the world and expansion of its foreign policy horizons. This continues and strengthens the foundation for long-term integration into the global economy, modernization of public administration, and the introduction of innovative standards of sustainable development.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

By Zulkhumor Makhmudova   In recent years, the reconfiguration of geopolitical power centers in the international arena and the emergence of new regional blocs and strategic alliances have prompted Central Asian countries to strengthen their multi-vector foreign policies. Within this context, the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) has increasingly become a vital integration platform, serving as the main institutional structure uniting the Turkic world politically, economically, and culturally. Uzbekistan plays an active role in this process, promoting its national interests through strengthened cooperation within the organization.   The 12th Summit of the OTS, held on October 9, 2025, in Gabala (Azerbaijan), marked the beginning of a new strategic phase in the organization’s activities. The summit’s core agenda—regional security, development of transport and communication infrastructure, expansion of trade relations, and energy integration—served to consolidate the OTS as a balanced and mutually beneficial model of cooperation in global politics.   In his speech, President Sh. Mirziyoyev emphasized the importance of deepening solidarity among Turkic states, elevating trade and economic cooperation to a new level, and expanding joint projects in the fields of green energy and the digital economy. The President’s assertion that “The Turkic world represents a civilizational space formed on the basis of shared history, culture, and language” reflects Uzbekistan’s conceptual foreign policy approach—viewing regional integration as an integral part of national development.   The Gabala Summit primarily signaled a new stage in the political consolidation of the OTS. Uzbekistan, maintaining a balance of power within the platform, has positioned itself as a center of regional stability and pragmatic cooperation. Uzbekistan’s initiatives—particularly the proposals related to the Turkic Investment Fund and the integration of transport-logistics corridors—demonstrate its policy orientation toward achieving tangible, practical results within the organization.   Within the OTS framework, strategic partnership between Uzbekistan and Türkiye occupies a central role. The trilateral meeting among Uzbekistan, Türkiye, and Azerbaijan held in Ankara in January 2025 became a turning point in this direction. The Ankara Declaration, signed during the meeting, envisaged deep integration in trade, investment, transport, and energy sectors. Agreements to accelerate the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR) and the Zangezur Corridor projects represent significant steps toward creating a strategic transport link between Europe and Asia through OTS member states.   Today, relations between Türkiye and Uzbekistan are evolving from strategic partnership to a level of alliance. This development, on one hand, reflects the growing trust and closeness between the two states; on the other hand, it indicates the emergence of a coordinated leadership model within the OTS. Considering Uzbekistan’s economic potential, human capital, and geoeconomic position in Central Asia, the country is forming a complementary strategic synergy with Türkiye.   The current stage of OTS development demonstrates that the organization is transforming not only into a cultural-civilizational but also a geo-economic bloc. Mutual trade among member states exceeded $42 billion in 2024, indicating the practical results of economic integration within the organization. Uzbekistan has become an essential transit hub, prioritizing the expansion of access to Türkiye and Europe via the Caspian Sea. Uzbekistan is also advancing new initiatives in digital diplomacy, youth cooperation, and scientific-educational partnerships. The establishment of the Diplomatic Academy of the Turkic States in Tashkent contributes to the training of specialists, harmonization of foreign policies, and strengthening of diplomatic dialogue within the OTS.   Among the documents adopted at the Gabala Summit were the “Turkic World Transport Strategy,” the “Concept for Energy Cooperation,” and the “Youth Integration Program,” all of which align closely with Uzbekistan’s conceptual initiatives. This clearly illustrates Uzbekistan’s intellectual and proactive role in the recent development of the OTS.   Uzbekistan’s engagement in the OTS is characterized by a pragmatic approach: its initiatives are reinforced with practical outcomes. For instance, the ideas of “Transport Diplomacy” and “Green Development” introduced at the Samarkand Summit (2022) and Astana Summit (2023) have now evolved into concrete projects at the Gabala Summit (2025).   In conclusion, the Organization of Turkic States has become the institutional foundation of multilateral cooperation among Turkic countries and is transforming into a stable and balanced center of power in the new regional order. Uzbekistan stands out in this process with its initiative-driven, balanced, and practical diplomacy. Strengthened strategic partnership with Türkiye, transport-logistical cooperation with Azerbaijan, and growing economic integration with Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are shaping Uzbekistan as a “bridge state” within the OTS.   Thus, Uzbekistan’s active role in the OTS reflects not only its regional interests but also its growing position as a diplomatic center representing the Turkic world’s collective interests within the evolving global geopolitical equilibrium.     Zulkhumor Makhmudova is a second-year PhD candidate in International Relations: Political Problems of the World and Regional Development at the University of World Economy and Diplomacy. Her research focuses on foreign policy analysis, regional integration processes within the Turkic world, and geopolitical dynamics in Central Asia. She pays particular attention to Uzbekistan’s strategic role within the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) and the country’s participation in the development of new transport, logistics, and trade connectivity networks. Ms. Makhmudova is the author of several academic and analytical papers devoted to the geopolitical transformation of Central Asia, the evolution of the OTS, and Uzbekistan’s multi-vector foreign policy. Her current doctoral research project is titled “Regional Cooperation within the Organization of Turkic States and Uzbekistan’s Strategic Interests.” Zulkhumor Makhmudova actively participates in academic seminars and international conferences dedicated to issues of regional security, international relations, and diplomacy. Her scholarly approach seeks to integrate the theoretical and methodological foundations of international relations with applied analytical research.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

At the latest summit of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) in Gabala (Azerbaijan), the heads of state signed the Declaration of the Twelfth Summit. The key provisions of the declaration reflect the intention to develop political and foreign policy cooperation, focus on transport and logistics corridors, energy, and green initiatives, promote digitalization, pay attention to cultural and humanitarian aspects, and strengthen the institutional capacity of the Organization.   For Central Asia, which acts as a regional hub between China, the Caucasus, the Middle East, and Turkey, the declaration creates a practical framework in which countries can become more actively involved in integration projects and strategic initiatives. Central Asia is located at the intersection of many routes connecting East and West. This creates a basis for countries in the region to increase logistics flows, reduce transportation costs, and enhance the attractiveness of their space as a “bridge” between Asia and Europe.   The declaration also emphasizes the need to create “green corridors,” support renewable energy projects, implement a “green transformation,” and develop digital platforms. Such joint measures can bring tangible benefits to the countries of Central Asia, especially if they pool their resources, scientific knowledge, and technologies.   The declaration also emphasizes the importance of economic integration and investment, stating the intention to activate agreements on services and investment activities between the OTS countries and to strengthen the contribution of its Investment Fund. Central Asian countries can take advantage of this by developing interregional value chains, improving conditions for foreign investment, and strengthening small and medium-sized businesses.   Overall, the Gabala Declaration has given Central Asia another chance for closer transport integration with the Caucasus, the Caspian region, Turkey, and further into Europe and Asia. This means that bilateral and multilateral trade could grow, logistics costs could fall, and transit hubs could be strengthened. Joint initiatives in green energy, water security, and renewable energy technology exchange could become drivers of sustainable development. Against this backdrop, Central Asia could strengthen its role as a connecting region between East and West by diving into the transcontinental routes outlined in the declaration. The level of institutional interaction between countries could increase thanks to the emergence of new platforms, coordination between ministries and agencies, and continuous cooperation rather than sporadic meetings.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

A Historic Victory for Japan On October 4, 2025, Sanae Takaichi secured victory in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential election, defeating Shinjiro Koizumi by 185 to 156 votes in the runoff. With this win, she becomes Japan’s first female prime minister, marking a transformative moment in the nation’s political history. The leadership race followed the resignation of Shigeru Ishiba and unfolded amid declining public confidence in the LDP, which faced growing pressure to restore economic stability and strengthen Japan’s global standing.   “I have made history within the LDP,” Takaichi said after the results. “Rather than celebrating, I feel the weight of the many challenges ahead that I must face with all of you.”   The Election and the Field of Candidates The LDP leadership election follows a two-round system combining votes from Diet members and party rank-and-file: 590 votes in the first round and 342 in the runoff. Candidates must be sitting LDP lawmakers with at least 20 parliamentary nominations. The 2025 race featured Sanae Takaichi, Shinjiro Koizumi, Yoshimasa Hayashi, Takayuki Kobayashi, and Toshimitsu Motegi. Takaichi’s victory resulted from the consolidation of conservative factions, her clear stance on national security, and broad support from regional party organizations—reflecting a shift within the LDP toward ideological continuity with Shinzo Abe’s legacy, combined with Takaichi’s own emphasis on economic resilience and technological sovereignty.   Following the announcement, Takaichi stated that her feeling was not joy but the weight of responsibility ahead, stressing the need to revitalize the party and transform public anxiety into hope through reforms. At 64, she succeeded on her third attempt, representing the party’s most conservative wing. Her political career began in 2006 under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe as Minister for Okinawa and Northern Territories Affairs, later serving as Minister for Gender Equality and Minister for Internal Affairs and Communications.   Often referred to as Japan’s aspiring “Iron Lady,” Takaichi admires Margaret Thatcher’s leadership style and advocates constitutional revision to explicitly recognize the Self-Defense Forces as Japan’s “armed forces.” Economically, she promotes swift measures to counter inflation, favoring flexible tax policies that combine income tax relief and compensations over immediate reductions in the consumption tax.   Foreign Policy Priorities: Security and Sovereignty   Defense and Constitutional Reform Takaichi’s government plans to continue expanding defense spending to over 2% of GDP, with major investments in missile defense, cybersecurity, and space capabilities. She also advocates revising Article 9 of Japan’s Constitution to formally recognize the country’s right to self-defense — a bold move reflecting her commitment to “peace through strength.”   China and Taiwan Takaichi pledges a firm deterrent stance toward China while reinforcing cooperation with the United States and allied nations. Her open engagement with Taiwan, framed as support for democracy and stability, has already prompted cautious responses from Beijing urging Tokyo to “act prudently.”   Strengthening the U.S.–Japan Alliance The U.S.–Japan alliance remains central to her strategy. She plans to expand collaboration in defense technology, talent development, and supply-chain security, while also deepening trilateral cooperation with South Korea and Australia — despite lingering historical sensitivities.   Broader Regional Diplomacy Takaichi aims to elevate Japan’s leadership role across the Indo-Pacific, engaging through ASEAN, QUAD, and G7 frameworks. Her administration will continue humanitarian and infrastructure cooperation in Southeast Asia and the Pacific, and renew dialogue with the Middle East on energy security and freedom of navigation. In addition, she seeks stronger partnerships with Central Asian countries, particularly in energy development, digital infrastructure, and human capital exchange under the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” vision, aimed at supporting regional stability and balancing external influence in Eurasia.   A New Era of Leadership Takaichi’s election symbolizes both continuity and transformation: continuity in Japan’s strategic direction established under Shinzo Abe, and transformation through her historic role as Japan’s first female leader. Her emphasis on defense, technology, and resilience underscores a determination to position Japan as a proactive, secure, and values-driven democracy in an increasingly tense global environment.   It is noteworthy that on October 4, former Prime Minister and influential Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) figure Taro Aso took a significant political step by urging approximately 43 members of his faction, Shikokai, to support Sanae Takaichi in the second round of the party’s leadership election — a move that considerably strengthened her position within the LDP.   At the same time, Aso has traditionally regarded Central Asia as a key vector of Japan’s foreign policy within the framework of his “Silk Road Diplomacy” concept. He has consistently promoted the “Central Asia + Japan” Dialogue, aimed at enhancing bilateral and multilateral engagement, ensuring regional stability, developing transport and logistics corridors (including the southern route through Afghanistan), and expanding cooperation in the fields of energy, infrastructure, and security.   The coming months will test Takaichi’s ability to balance assertive diplomacy with economic stability. Her leadership will likely redefine Japan’s regional posture — strengthening alliances, promoting innovation, and safeguarding democratic values — while navigating complex relations with China and neighboring powers. As the world watches Japan’s first female prime minister step onto the global stage, her administration promises a new era of resolve, responsibility, and revitalization.   Japan’s Immigration Policy and Political Dynamics under Sanae Takaichi The regulation of foreign residents, which emerged as a central issue during the July House of Councillors elections, remains one of the most salient topics in contemporary Japanese politics. Sanae Takaichi, newly elected as the president of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), has prioritized a stricter immigration policy, emphasizing measures against illegal residency and the regulation of land acquisitions by foreign nationals. Her position aligns closely with that of the Japan Innovation Party (Ishin) and the Democratic Party for the People (DPP), creating potential opportunities for interparty collaboration in advancing these initiatives.   At the same time, the stance of the Komeito Party, the LDP’s coalition partner, which places a stronger emphasis on coexistence with foreign residents rather than tightening restrictions, may become a source of tension within the ruling alliance. Komeito leader Tetsuo Saito has already expressed concern, underscoring the necessity of achieving consensus on key policy principles regarding foreign residents to maintain coalition stability.   Takaichi has announced her intention to strengthen the Office for the Promotion of Coexistence with Foreign Nationals and to expand the staff of the Immigration Services Agency to enhance enforcement capacity. In her speech delivered on the day of the presidential election announcement, Sanae Takaichi opened with a reference to an incident in which a foreign national allegedly kicked a deer in her hometown’s Nara Park, thereby symbolically demonstrating her strong determination to tighten Japan’s immigration policy.   Opposition parties have also voiced support for stricter control measures and for the introduction of an anti-espionage law, making the issues of migration and national security likely focal points of Japan’s future political debates.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.

In alignment with President Trump’s campaign promises to be tough on immigration and protect American workers, his administration announced last week a $100,000 one-time H-1B visa fee, a massive increase from the previous $2,000-$5,000 fee. The H-1B visa program is intended to recruit highly skilled, highly paid foreign talent to supplement American companies, specifically in critical science, technology, engineering, and math fields. In 2024, about 400,000 H-1B applications were approved, with about 73% from India and 12% from China. No other birthplace accounted for even 2% of H-1B workers, with two from Uzbekistan in FY 2025.   The H-1B visa program began after World War II under the guise of “Operation Paperclip” where the US recruited about 1,600 Nazi scientists from Germany to simultaneously burgeon America’s nascent nuclear industry and disable post-Nazi Germany. Today, US China hawks suggest reforming the H-1B program into a “Second Operation Paperclip” to recruit top scientists to counter to the growing number of material science, physics, and chemistry research coming out of China.   On October 1, China officially introduced a new  “K-Visa” designed to recruit young science and technology talent from graduates in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) and young professional engaged in relevant research. The K-Visa is unlike other skilled immigration programs by not requiring a Chinese employer or inviter at the application stage, appealing to young graduates and entrepreneurs without formal job offers. Beijing announced its visa on August 7, weeks before Trump announced the H-1B visa fee, but geopolitical tensions are undeniable in the global competition in science and technology. seeing highly skilled tech workers as national security assets.   The White House’s proclamation stated that the H-1B visa program “has been deliberately exploited to replace, rather than supplement, American workers with lower-paid, lower-skilled labor,” undermining American economic and national security.  Accordingly, the fee is intended to put scarcity around H-1B applications, giving advantage to American citizens and encouraging only highly specialized and skilled foreign applicants to bolster American companies.   The Trump administration justifies its H-1B overhaul due to the widespread manipulation by information technology (IT) outsourcing companies. While Amazon remains the top employer of H-1B approvals, the majority of employers filling H-1B slots are foreign companies such as Cognizant (93k), Infosys (61k), Tata Consultancy Services (60k). Silicon Valley venture capitalist Chamath Palihapitiya stated that these outsourcing consulting companies have “gamed the system”  through perfecting the application process and gaining the bulk of H-1Bs over American companies.   Similarly, supporters of the executive order contend that in practice, H-1Bs are not being awarded to the program’s intended high skilled engineers and AI researchers. Since FY 2020, the average salary for an H-1B visa holder is slightly under $120,000 – a salary surpassed by most executive assistants at tech startups. Jason Calacanis, an early investor in Uber, described the IT sector’s widespread abuse of the visa program, calling it a form of “indentured servitude” where companies will grant H-1Bs to lower skilled workers, underpaying and overworking them under the threat of visa revocation, supporting the high fee to discourage artificial wage suppression and labor abuse.    Those against the new executive order prescience a US “brain drain” in vital industries through the loss of engineers, doctors, and researchers. Nearly a quarter of US physicians are international medical graduates, and hospitals are petitioning the Department of Homeland Security to grant exemptions for health care workers. Additionally, in alignment with the rest of the US administration’s anti-immigration discourse, it signals an unwelcoming environment and discourages young talent away from the US and towards China.   Like the reactions to most of Trump’s polices, moderates tend to support the reform, but not in execution. California representative Ro Khanna suggests that the blanket $100,000 fee places an unfair burden onto start-ups, non-profits, and universities, while acknowledging the systematic abuse by IT firms able to “game” the application system.   The MAGA rift divides tech pundits – notably, Musk and Ramaswamy – who support foreign recruitment as “essential for America to keep winning,” against long-time Republicans demanding less immigration and more investment in American workers. Despite Republican division over reform or removal of the H-1B visa program, Trump continues to defend the program and immigration recruitment more broadly, stating in the past that he would like to “staple green cards onto US diplomas.”   Most American voters see “immigration” in singularity, encompassing all people seeking to start a new life abroad. However, immigration can and should be considered and granted for different grounds: asylum, family, talent recruitment, labor needs. At minimum, Trump’s H-1B reform and partisan disagreement is bringing necessary nuance to the dialogue and debate on US immigration policy.   * The Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS) does not take institutional positions on any issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the IAIS.