Research Articles

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Research Articles

15 October, 2024

Brazil and the Central Asia: Prospects and Opportunities for Cooperation

This article was co-authored with Professor Joscimar Souza Silva from the Political Science Institute, University of Brasília     Brazil has been increasingly asserting its role on the global stage, seeking to become a key player in both political and economic affairs. The country is a prominent member of the BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), where it advocates for the reform of international economic institutions and the strengthening of economic ties among developing nations. Through BRICS, Brazil has been promoting multipolarity and greater representation for emerging economies in global governance. Brazil’s foreign policy has also shown a growing focus on expanding its influence in regions beyond Latin America. This strategic outreach is part of Brazil’s broader effort to diversify its international partnerships and assert its presence in global South-South cooperation frameworks. The relationship between Brazil and the countries of Central Asia, including Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, is a fascinating example of cross-regional diplomacy and cooperation. Despite geographical distance and distinct historical trajectories, Brazil and Central Asian states have found common ground in promoting economic collaboration, cultural exchange, and multilateral diplomacy.   When it comes to Uzbekistan, despite historically modest trade volumes, the country’s economic relations with Brazil show significant growth potential. On August 17, 2015, the Agreement on Economic and Trade Cooperation between the Government of Uzbekistan and the Government of Brazil entered into force[1]. This agreement lays the foundation for strengthening bilateral trade and economic relations between the two countries. In 2023, the trade turnover between Uzbekistan and Brazil amounted to $656.6 million[2]. In 2023, Brazil’s imports from Uzbekistan amounted to approximately $413.1 million[3]. Brazil’s exports to Uzbekistan mainly include agricultural products such as sugar, tobacco, grains, and meat, as well as machinery and equipment[4]. In turn, Uzbekistan exports textiles, cotton, and plastics to Brazil.   The international financial institutions (IFIs) support Uzbekistan’s efforts to transition to a market economy, aiming to enhance private sector participation in key sectors and reduce state dominance. These reforms are expected to improve economic opportunities and facilitate trade growth with partners like Brazil, especially in agriculture and energy sectors. To support these efforts, the World Bank alone has provided financial assistance amounting to $800 million in concessional loans[5].   Brazil and Central Asia could engage in resource and expertise exchange in key sectors. Brazil could import oil and gas from Central Asia, while the region could benefit from Brazil’s advanced agricultural technologies. Central Asia is already exploring ways to diversify its economy and access new markets, making Brazil an attractive partner for trade and investment. Given that both parties have competitive export sectors, they can negotiate mutually beneficial trade agreements. Infrastructure development is another crucial area for potential cooperation. Brazil has extensive experience in implementing large-scale infrastructure projects—from roads and bridges to ports and railway networks. Some of the most significant infrastructure projects in Brazil include the Trans-Amazonian Highway (BR-230), the Port of Santos Expansion, the North-South Railway (Ferrovia Norte-Sul) and the São Francisco River Transposition Project. This expertise could be beneficial for Central Asian countries as they continue to develop their transportation systems and logistics infrastructure to enhance regional integration and attract international investments. In agriculture and major infrastructure projects, Brazil is also learning about the socio-environmental impacts and challenges of climate change, and is a pioneer in the transition to green energy[6].   Furthermore, Kazakhstan is the world’s leading uranium producer, largely through its national atomic company, Kazatomprom, could collaborate with Brazil in the field of energy. In 2023, Kazakhstan produced approximately 20,500 to 21,500 tons of uranium on a 100% basis, which represents the total production volume of all entities in which Kazatomprom has an interest[7]. This production is expected to increase to between 21,000 and 22,500 tons in 2024. Kazatomprom accounts for about 20% of the global primary uranium production, making it the largest producer in the world[8].   In the same vein, Turkmenistan is a significant player in the natural gas market.  The country expanding its natural gas production to meet both domestic and international demands by increasing its gas production by an additional 60 billion cubic meters in the coming years[9]. The development of the Galkynysh gas field, one of the world’s largest, is central to this strategy[10]. This expansion will enable Turkmenistan to significantly boost its exports, including to new markets through strategic projects such as the Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline. These initiatives present valuable opportunities for Brazil to invest in and partner with Turkmenistan in the energy sector.   Tajikistan has significant hydroelectric potential due to its mountainous terrain and numerous downstream rivers, while Brazil has extensive experience in hydroelectric power generation and renewable energy technologies. A notable example of Brazil’s expertise is the Itaipu Dam, shared between Brazil and Paraguay, one of the largest hydroelectric projects in the world, located on the Paraná River[11]. This dam, with a capacity of 14,000 megawatts[12], is a symbol of Brazil’s capability in managing complex hydropower infrastructure. Tajikistan, in turn, is developing the Rogun Dam, which, upon completion, will be the tallest dam in the world and have a generating capacity of 3,600 megawatts[13]. Collaboration between the two countries could involve technical support, best practices sharing, and strategic partnerships to optimize the construction and operation of large-scale hydro projects like Rogun. With regard to hydroelectric plants, it is essential to understand the socio-environmental impacts involved at all stages of the process, especially during implementation, the phase with the greatest risk[14].   Additionally, Brazil’s experience with smaller-scale hydro projects[15], which have been crucial in providing sustainable energy to rural areas, could be adapted to Tajikistan’s context. For example, Brazil’s development of mini and micro hydropower plants could be replicated in Tajikistan to electrify remote mountainous regions, thereby reducing reliance on fossil fuels. Furthermore, Brazil’s comprehensive approach to integrating renewable energy into its national grid—illustrated by programs like PROINFA[16], which promotes wind, biomass, and small hydro projects—could serve as a model for Tajikistan to diversify its energy portfolio. This collaboration would not only enhance Tajikistan’s energy capacity but also strengthen bilateral ties, leveraging Brazil’s expertise in sustainable energy solutions and Tajikistan’s natural hydropower resources.   In recent years, Central Asian countries have taken steps to improve trade conditions and reduce barriers for exports and imports. Within the framework of the B5+1 format, these countries aim to establish a free trade zone, which could open up additional opportunities for trade with Brazil and larger MERCOSUR trade block. Another potential aspect of bilateral relations could be cultural exchange and the development of educational programs. Establishing direct ties between universities in Brazil and Central Asia would enable students to exchange knowledge and experiences, conduct joint research, and open new opportunities for young professionals. Brazil already has experience participating in educational programs in other developing countries.   Cooperation could be carried out, for instance, within the framework of the program, which constitutes one of the key initiatives—the Post Graduate Student/ Covenant Program (PEC-PG). This program offers full PhD scholarships to professors, researchers, and professionals from developing countries that have cooperation agreements with Brazil in education, culture, science, and technology[17] in 112 public universities with free education and grants to encourage research and permanence in higher education and postgraduate studies. This program aims to enhance the qualifications of these professionals to support the development of their home countries. Cultural ties are also important to consider. Brazil is a country with a rich cultural heritage, while Central Asia has a remarkable cultural legacy, including contributions to science, art, and literature. Organizing joint cultural events such as exhibitions, concerts, and festivals could strengthen mutual understanding and stimulate tourism between the regions.   In addition to education and cultural exchange, collaboration on sustainable development is crucial. In the era of globalization, it is vital to address global challenges such as climate change, desertification, environmental pollution, and food security. Brazil is one of the world’s leading agricultural countries, specializing in the export of agricultural products such as soybeans, sugar, coffee, meat, and corn. Its expertise in agribusiness could be highly beneficial for Central Asian countries, many of which are still striving to modernize their agriculture and increase productivity. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, in particular, are major producers of cotton, wheat, and other agricultural products, but their agricultural sectors need innovative technologies and management systems to enhance efficiency.   Figure 1: Comparison of the Economies of Brazil and CA Countries   In the last two decades, Brazil has also advanced in digital transformation. Today, Brazil has one of the most advanced electoral systems, using electronic ballot boxes since 2000, despite being a young democracy of just over 36 years[18]. It also has one of the most advanced banking and payment systems, as well as a broad program for offering and integrating digital public services, which include everything from digital personal signature services to advanced systems for transparency of public accounts via government websites and open data systems. Brazil’s long experience in digital transformation, given its population and economic size, can serve as a model for other countries, such as those in Central Asia.   In sum, specific cooperation areas between Brazil and Central Asia could include the following: Exchange of advanced agricultural technologies. Brazil could offer precision farming technologies, sustainable agricultural practices, and water resource management, which are especially important for the arid regions of Central Asia. Joint farmer training programs. Organizing training courses for farmers and agricultural specialists from Central Asia with the participation of Brazilian experts could help improve farming methods in the region. Development of joint agricultural projects. Establishing agribusiness enterprises and producing processed goods for export could be another step towards deepening cooperation. Brazil’s investment in Central Asian agriculture could enhance the competitiveness of the region’s agribusiness sector in the global market and help these countries not only reduce their dependence on food imports but also enter export markets with higher-quality products. Sharing Brazil’s environmental and socio-economic expertise, especially regarding the undertaking of major infrastructure projects and the risks and regulations associated with them. Developing partnerships between Brazil and Central Asian countries for socio-economic development, including universities, research and technological development, while respecting socio-cultural and environmental diversity and climate change. Sharing Brazil’s experience with digital transformation and its impact on providing more efficient and transparent public services.   Despite the lucrative prospects, there are also challenges that need to be addressed to deepen cooperation between Brazil and Central Asia. One of the challenges is geographical distance. Both sides are located on different continents, and trade and economic ties may face logistical difficulties related to the transportation of goods and the organization of joint projects. More active diplomatic engagement is also required. This includes strengthening existing diplomatic channels, opening new embassies and trade missions, and intensifying intergovernmental negotiations. It is also essential to create favorable conditions for investors and simplify business procedures between countries. Nevertheless, the potential for growth and development of partnership relations between Brazil and the Central Asian countries is substantial. Cooperation in energy, agribusiness, tourism, education and digital transformation could significantly strengthen the economies of both regions and lead to mutual benefits on the global stage.   [1] https://www.norma.uz/novoe_v_zakonodatelstve/s_braziliey_ustanovlen_blagopriyatnyy_rejim_sotrudnichestva [2] https://en.trend.az/casia/uzbekistan/3912963.html [3] https://tradingeconomics.com/brazil/imports/uzbekistan [4] https://tradingeconomics.com/brazil/exports/uzbekistan [5]https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2023/12/08/uzbekistan-s-transition-to-market-economy-to-accelerate-by-strategic-reforms-supported-by-the-world-bank [6] https://agenciagov.ebc.com.br/noticias/202408/plano-unifica-acoes-de-estado-para-politica-energetica-mais-verde-e-inclusiva [7]https://www.kazatomprom.kz/en/media/view/finansovie_rezultati_ao_nak_kazatomprom_za_1e_polugodie_2024_goda_i_obnovlenie_proizvodstvennih_planov_na_2025_god [8]https://www.kazatomprom.kz/en/media/view/kazatomprom_4Q23_operations_and_trading_update [9]https://turkmenistan.gov.tm/en/post/74532/turkmenistan-plans-increase-gas-production-60-billion-cubic-meters-near-future [10]https://turkmenistan.gov.tm/en/post/74532/turkmenistan-plans-increase-gas-production-60-billion-cubic-meters-near-future [11] https://www.itaipu.gov.br/en/nossahistoria [12] https://www.itaipu.gov.br/en/nossahistoria [13] https://www.power-technology.com/projects/rogun-hydropower-plant/ [14] https://periodicos.unb.br/index.php/sust/article/view/40635/33074 [15] https://energypedia.info/wiki/Small_Hydro_Power_(SHP)_Brazil_-_Institutional_Set-up [16]https://www.researchgate.net/publication/224384110_The_Brazilian_Renewable_Energy_Incentive_Program_-_The_Second_Phase_of_the_PROINFA_Assessing_Policy_Efficiency_And_Barriers_in_Long-term_Scenarios [17]https://www.gov.br/capes/en/access-to-information/actions-and-programs/scholarships-and-students/international-cooperation-programs/multinational/post-graduate-student-covenant-program-pec-pg [18] https://www.tse.jus.br/comunicacao/noticias/2023/Janeiro/urna-eletronica-de-2000-permitiu-a-primeira-eleicao-100-informatizada   Download the article below

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Research Articles

12 October, 2024

A Blind Spot in Water Policy. Is Uzbekistan a Net Water Exporter or Importer?

In his new article, Odilbek Manabov examines Uzbekistan’s virtual water trade balance, evaluating whether the country is a net virtual water importer or exporter. His analysis indicates that Uzbekistan’s exports contain approximately 15.02 trillion liters of virtual water, while imports amount to 12.94 trillion liters, resulting in a positive virtual water trade balance of 2.08 trillion liters. Despite this surplus, the findings highlight a critical challenge for Uzbekistan — a water-stressed nation — where net virtual water exportation poses significant risks to sustainable water management and long-term water security. The author discusses the limitations of data accuracy due to the lack of detailed information, emphasizing the need for better collaboration with government bodies, transparent reporting, and locally-based water footprint calculations.   The paper argues for regular analysis of virtual water trade to support more informed policy decisions aimed at optimizing resource management. It recommends that Uzbekistan prioritize importing water-intensive products and focus domestic production on less water-demanding goods to alleviate pressure on national water resources. This strategy is especially important in the context of Central Asia’s growing population and increasing water demand, which necessitate sustainable water use and a balanced trade system to secure the country’s future water needs.   Download the article below

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Research Articles

09 October, 2024

Escaping the Nationalistic Shell in South Korea: Transcending Cultural Exclusivity in a Multicultural World

Introduction: A Contemplation of Nationalism   Before the modern concept of the nation-state, which emerged from the French Revolution in 1789, territories and their inhabitants were primarily regarded as the properties of feudal lords. Moreover, the common people, from the perspective of the petite bourgeoisie, were largely preoccupied with their economic survival. The French Revolution, however, catalyzed a transformative shift by elevating these individuals to status of "citizens," equal to the nobles, thereby establishing the foundational principles of popular sovereignty and planting the seeds for the concept of the "nation-state." While the aspiration to safeguard freedom is noble, the rise of the nation-state has also led to numerous challenges, particularly in relation to nationalism.   Nationalism is defined as “a sense of national consciousness exalting one nation above all others and placing primary emphasis on promoting its culture and interests as opposed to those of other nations or supranational groups.”[1] This raises critical concerns regarding its implications. The primary issue with nationalism lies in its inherent assumption that individuals within a nation are intrinsically tied to that state. This perspective effectively reduces individuals to mere components within a larger national entity, often overshadowing their identities as autonomous human beings striving for self-determination. Furthermore, ethnicity is often used as a tool to reinforce notions of national identity, fostering an ideology that posits members of a particular group as homogeneous and sharing “pure blood.” Such a conception can lead to profound societal divisions and fragmentation.   This commentary seeks to elucidate the dangers associated with the rise of nationalism by illustrating its connections to racial discrimination. Additionally, it proposes ways to promote social integration by fostering transnationalism in South Korean society, advocating for a more inclusive approach that transcends narrow nationalistic boundaries.   Nazism: The Limitations of Nationalism   During World War II, the Nazi regime, officially known as National Socialism and led by Adolf Hitler, supported eugenics and pseudo-scientific theories that promoted a racial hierarchy, asserting a belief in genetic supremacy. The Nazis gained support from the German population, largely due to the aftermath of Germany's defeat in World War I, compounded by punitive conditions of the Treaty of Versailles and economic turmoil. This context weakened Germany’s national power compared to other great powers such as Britain, China, Japan, France, and the USA. Consequently, Hitler’s rise was perceived as a messianic emergence, advocating for the unity of the Germanic peoples and claiming the superiority of "Aryan blood." Many Germans identifying as "pure-blooded," aligned themselves with his totalitarian ideology, which systematically excluded other ethnic groups within Germany.   In Mein Kampf, Hitler articulated the concept of Lebensraum (living space), positing that the German people needed additional space for their growth. To achieve this, he argued that so-called inferior peoples, including Poles, Russians, and other Slavic groups, needed to be exterminated, expelled, or enslaved to facilitate German resettlement in these regions (as cited in Park, H.K., 2008). This territorial ambition underpinned the Nazi regime's policies of ethnic cleansing, which culminated in the Holocaust, the systematic extermination of Jews, Slavs, and other groups deemed inferior. The Nazis’ campaign to preserve "pure Aryan blood" led to widespread persecution and mass murder. The Holocaust resulted in the deaths of approximately 17 million individuals between 1941 and 1945, including around 6 million Jews (United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, accessed September 5, 2024), 4.5 million Soviet civilians (Niewyk, 2000), and 3.3 million Soviet prisoners of war (Barenbaum, 2005), and 1.8 million Polish people, among others. Nazism, a form of totalitarian nationalism, highlights inherent dangers associated with nationalism driven by self-centered orchestration of government and people. The public's engagement with Nazism can be analyzed through the lens of the “politics of enthusiasm", a phenomenon where masses yearning for strong charismatic leadership amid political, economic, and social turmoil are incited by charismatic leaders who manipulate nationalistic sentiments. This manipulation often leads to extreme societal choices (Park, H.K.). Citizens anticipate a messianic dictatorship that promises improvements in living conditions and social fulfillment, while tacitly supporting oppressive nationalist governance. In this environment, social agitation often results in the oppression of the minorities as the public seeks to enhance their relative social status, while reinforcing notions of racial purity.   Even segments of the German working class – expected to resist Nazism – demonstrated varying degrees of support for Hitler’s regime. (Ludtke, 2002, as cited in Park, H.K.). Their backing was significantly influenced by Nazi initiatives aimed at reducing unemployment through national projects such as highway construction and military expansion. These national projects and the policy of full employment through military expansion diminished workers’ motivations to pursue their individual and economic interests (Kim, Seung-Ryul, 2004, as cite in Park H.K., 2008).   Additionally, the political sacralization of Nazism portrayed Germans as protagonists engaged in a sacred struggle against perceived threats from Jews. This ideological framework effectively captivated public sentiment (Na, Inho, 2004). Through propaganda and strict control over information dissemination, the Nazi regime effectively manipulated the masses, turning them into unwitting participants in its totalitarian agenda. George Orwell’s concept of “Big Brother” in “1984” resonates here; people became cogs in a national machinery without awareness of their roles as victims manipulated by those in power.   Nationalism can be likened to a mirage within totalitarianism – instilling a false sense of allegiance to an abstract entity, while promoting the illusion that shared ethnicity constitutes a tangible reality. The tragic lessons from Nazism reveal that extreme nationalism can obstruct societal integration and dehumanize individuals based on perceived racial superiority. Such exclusionary ideologies undermine human solidarity and foster division within society.   Racial Discrimination in South Korea   Over the past 50 years, South Korean society has developed a form of cultural exclusivity characterized by heightened nationalism, which has manifested as both patriotism and racial discrimination. This exclusivity has particularly fostered hostility toward foreigners, especially those from Southeast Asia and Muslims, while Western nations receive more hospitable treatment.   A notable example of this cultural exclusivity occurred in Daehyeon-dong, Daegu City, where Muslim students sought to build a mosque to accommodate the growing Muslim population. In response, around 40 residents organized a barbecue party, cooking pork dishes directly in front of the proposed mosque as part of an anti-Muslim demonstration. One resident articulated their stance by stating “Because those Muslims claim freedom of religion, we have the freedom to hold a pork barbecue party” (The Hankook Ilbo, 2022). Online reactions to this incident included a surge of comments directed at Muslim foreigners in Korea, with statements such as “This absolutely must not be allowed. We support the residents,” “It’s heartwarming news,” and “Everyone! We need to expel Muslims” (SBS News, 2022). Such remarks reflect an exclusive animosity toward Muslims, viewing them as “complete strangers” rather than “members of the local community,” neglecting the values of religious and social integration.   Additionally, societal perceptions regarding multicultural families contribute to discrimination. A parent named Jang, a 42-year-old living in Gwanak-gu, Seoul, remarked, "There seems to be a stereotype that immigrant parents have different emotions, which could lead to different views on their children's education. Additionally, there is a perception that some multicultural students face language barriers or are neglected by their parents, making it difficult for them to communicate. As a result, there is a tendency among some parents to prevent their children from associating with multicultural students" (The Seoul Economic Daily, 2023). According to the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family of South Korea (2021), the enrollment rate of multicultural students in higher education institutions stood at 40.5%, which is significantly lower than the national enrollment rate of 71.5%.   A survey conducted among 1,000 South Korean citizens regarding "socio-cultural expectations and concerns" related to the increase in foreign immigrants revealed that 63% of respondents believed that "an increase in foreign immigrants will lead to an increase in social ‘greater respondents (46%) "believed that 'an increase in foreign immigrants will harm their unique culture and intensify conflicts due to differences in socio-cultural values' compared to those who thought that 'an increase in foreign immigrants will enrich culture through the expansion of races and religions' (31%)" (Hankook Research, 2024). Another study indicates that foreigners from developing countries experienced more discrimination than those from developed countries (Jeong & Park, 2017). This suggests that Korean society exhibits nationalistic discrimination, particularly against individuals from lower-income nations. Two primary factors contribute to this phenomenon: external and internal influences.   Externally, South Korea has developed an economic-based nationalism that fosters societal pressures leading to the exclusion of foreigners from developing countries. This exclusion is rooted in perceptions that create barriers for outsiders seeking integration. During South Korea’s rapid economic development phase, emphasis was placed on growth and increasing incomes while viewing advanced nations as desirable models for emulation. Consequently, public attitudes toward accepting foreigners are often linked to anticipated social benefits and a sense of national pride—factors closely associated with admiration for Western countries.   Internally, Korean nationalism is deeply ingrained within the educational system and societal consciousness from an early age. The elementary school curriculum emphasizes political history through figures who established or defended the nation, while portraying Korean culture as inherently superior. For example, narratives surrounding the invasions during the Goryeo period (10th–14th centuries) and responses during the Joseon period (14th–19th centuries) highlight national resilience against foreign threats while glorifying cultural achievements such as celadon pottery and the Tripitaka Koreana (Kim Minsu, 2021). The language used in the textbooks often promotes cultural nationalism through phrases like "the oldest […]," "the most outstanding […]," and "registered as a UNESCO World Cultural Heritage site […]," which can reinforce cultural nationalism (Kim Minsu).   This early exposure to nationalistic rhetoric fosters a mindset among young Koreans that prioritizes in-group superiority while marginalizing out-groups. This creates barriers among different groups and hinders progress toward a multicultural society. By emphasizing Korean cultural superiority and focusing solely on "preservation" and "purity" rather than on understanding or accepting other cultures, there is a risk of reinforcing attitudes that reject diversity.   Conclusion: Escaping the Nationalistic Shell   The discussion highlights that the origins and deepening of nationalism in both Korea and Nazi Germany arise from a complex interplay between the people and the government. Both contexts have "sacralized" ethnicity and nationality, creating a distinction between the sacred and the profane (Eliade, 1957). According to Eliade, humans distinguish between religious space and secular space, leading to the "manifestation of the sacred," which imbues certain spaces with specific symbolic significance. When individuals transition from secular to sacred spaces, they interact with the sacred unconsciously, approaching the essence of an absolute being. Within this framework, nationalism operates as a quasi-religious phenomenon. Consequently, through the religion of nationalism, people come to worship the state and become its survivalist slaves. This functions as an irrational caste system between the state's power holders and its people. Nazism during World War II and contemporary Korean nationalism share similarities: both involve "the initial introduction by the government," "religious worship by the people," and “exclusivity based on bloodline.” During World War II, in the midst of the national crisis caused by the Treaty of Versailles, the distorted messianic ideology of Nazism rallied the people as an "imagined community" (Anderson, 1983), uniting them under the notion of the "pure Aryan bloodline." Similarly, after the devastation of liberation and war, modern Korean nationalism proceeded in a direction that promoted national heroes and fostered national pride through economic development. On the other hand, the German people sacralized Nazism as a nationalist ideology, reconstituting themselves racially as a "community of blood," while portraying themselves as the "forces of light" and "God's chosen people" (Na, I., 2004).   Furthermore, according to Kang Jung-in (2016), the Korean people, in their efforts to promote development or fight for democratization, justified their positions by embracing nationalism, and this resulted in the further sacralization of nationalism. This was reinforced by beliefs in the 5,000-year history of the Korean bloodline and an infallible national spirit. The prevailing cultural climate in Korea emphasizes ethnic homogeneity and purity of bloodline, which fosters an exclusive sense of superiority and a mentality of being a chosen people toward other ethnicities. This exclusivity manifests in social favoritism toward certain groups, especially Westerners, while discriminating against people from developing countries.   To transcend this nationalistic shell, it is imperative to recognize that nationalism often sacrifices individuals for the sake of maintaining the abstract notion of nationhood. Such a consciousness fosters an environment where others are rendered entirely “other,” enforcing self-centered exclusivity. It embodies a neo-caste system that delineates superiority and inferiority among ethnicities and nations rather than acknowledging shared human existence. Nationalism can thus be viewed as a contemporary iteration of outmoded feudalism. Its hierarchical divisions perpetuate distinctions akin to those between nobles and commoners in historical contexts.   To counteract these divisive tendencies, it is essential to embrace transnationalism—acknowledging that every individual’s traits and ontological visions (i.e., their existential perspectives) are shaped by societal factors rather than predetermined by notions of purity at birth. A regional approach (Jinwoo Choi & Young Chul Cho, 2016) should be adopted instead of adhering to nationalism’s invisible ideologies resembling idol worship. While members of the same group inevitably share aspects of universal identity, culture, and lifestyle, nationalism often engenders exclusivity against others. Therefore, it is crucial to foster a cooperative regional framework that mitigates nationalism’s exclusivity in multicultural societies and enhances greater collaboration among diverse groups. Once the illusion of nationalism is broken, South Korea can navigate the multicultural landscape of the 21st century more effectively by moving beyond discrimination and conflict toward genuine progress.   References Anderson, B. (2016). Imagined communities. Verso Books. Berenbaum, M. (2005). The world must know: The history of the Holocaust as told in the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum & Johns Hopkins University Press. Eliade, M. (1957). The sacred and the profane: The nature of religion (W. R. Trask, Trans.). Harvest, Brace & World. Ha, S. (2005, August). The politics of Korea’s democratization and the ideology of nationalism (1945–1987). Sogang University, Institute for East Asian Studies, 193-230. Hankook Research Co., Ltd. (2024, July 9). Korean people’s perception about receiving foreign immigrants. Hankook Research Opinion Poll. https://hrcopinion.co.kr/archives/30333 Hankook Ilbo. (2022, December 15). Residents hold 50kg whole pig barbecue party in front of Daegu mosque. Hankook Ilbo. https://www.hankookilbo.com/News/Read/A2022121514250001760 Jeon, J. H. (1998, July 4). The use of nationalism and history: Traditional cultural policies of the Park Chung Hee regime. Journal of Social Science Research, 7, 83-106. Jeong, H., Park, S.-Y., & Jun, H.-J. (2017). The determinants of migrants’ experience of discrimination: Considering structural, cultural, and environmental perspectives. Korean Journal of Public Administration, 55(4), 307-336. Choi, J., & Cho, Y. C. (2016). Nationalism and regionalism: Underdevelopment of regional integration in Northeast Asia. Journal of Future Politics, 6(2), 89-112. Kang, J. (2016). August 15 and Korean society: The sanctification of nationalism and its subsequent decline. The New Asia, 23(3), 134-160. Kim, M. (2021). An analysis on elementary school social studies textbook of the 2015 revised curriculum: Focused on the perspective of historical education for democratic citizenship. Research in Social Studies Education, 28(2), 61-74. Ministry of Gender Equality and Family of the Republic of Korea. (2022, June 28). 2021 national survey on multicultural families in Korea. Na, I. (2004). Nazism as political religion: Its results and limits. Journal of History and Culture, 20, 379-412. Niewyk, D. L. (2000). The Columbia guide to the Holocaust. Columbia University Press. Oh, M. (1998). Cultural policies and national cultural discourse in the 1960s and 1970s. Comparative Cultural Studies, 14, 121-149. Seoul National University, Institute for Comparative Cultural Studies. Oh, S. M. (2020, December 22). Soldiers killed during the Gwangju uprising recognized as dead on duty, not war dead. Yonhap News Agency. https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20201222005500325 Orwell, G. (2021). Nineteen eighty-four. Penguin Classics. (Original work published 1949) Park, H. K. (2008). Politics of "Fanaticism": Japan’s imperial fascism and German Nazism in the 20th century. Korean Journal of Political Science, 15(3), 121-143. Plunk, D. M. (1985, September 16). South Korea's Kwangju Incident revisited. Asian Studies Backgrounder, 35, 5. SBS News. (2022, December 16). Residents opposing the mosque construction in Daegu hold a ‘barbecue party’ in front of the mosque construction site (Subtitled News). SBS News. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7dZh9Ti5gZU Shin, & Lee. (2023, September 11). With 200,000 multicultural students... "Not allowed in the same school," discrimination persists. Seoul Economic Daily. https://www.sedaily.com/NewsView/29UN5EEYHS United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. (n.d.). Documenting numbers of victims of the Holocaust and Nazi persecution. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/documenting-numbers-of-victims-of-the-holocaust-and-nazi-persecution   [1] Merriam-Webster. (n.d.). Freedom. In Merriam-Webster.com dictionary. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/nationalism     Download the paper below

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Research Articles

10 September, 2024

Approaches of the Central Asian countries, the EU and leading external and regional players to Afghanistan after the Taliban came to power

The monograph “Central Asia and European Union: In Search of Sustainability”, which was prepared and published as part of the scientific project of the UWED Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence for European Studies, offers a detailed exploration of the intricate and evolving relationship between the European Union and the Central Asian republics covering a wide spectrum of topics, from regionalism, economic cooperation, and environmental challenges to the EU’s strategy towards Central Asia and its role in fostering regional resilience. It is an invaluable resource for researchers, policymakers, and students aiming to deepen their understanding of contemporary international relations and sustainable development across these regions.   The monograph features an essential contribution by Rustam Makhmudov, a Leading Research Fellow at the Institute for Advanced International Studies (IAIS), who investigates the responses of Central Asian countries and the European Union to the Taliban’s resurgence in Afghanistan. Mr. Makhmudov offers a nuanced analysis of the evolving diplomatic and security strategies, examining how regional and external players—such as the EU, the US, China, and Russia—are adjusting their approaches. His article highlights the geopolitical challenges posed by the Taliban’s return, especially concerning security, trade, and humanitarian concerns, making it a critical read for those interested in Central Asian geopolitics and international diplomacy post-2021.   Read and download the article below